Daniel Hamilton and Gerhard Mangott
"The New Eastern Europe: Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova"

Daniel Hamilton and Gerhard Mangott
"The Wider Black Sea Region in the 21st Century: Strategic, Economic and Energy Perspectives"

"Wider Europe / Black Sea – An interim assessment of the project"

The European Union has defined the region bordering the EU-27 to the east as a “new neighbourhood” with vital European strategic and economic interests at stake. At the same time, the EU has adopted a preferential partnership programme with the Russian Federation. As a whole, this is an area of instability, social disruption, political stalemate or confrontation and inter-state and intra-state crises.

The project tried to answer the question if this area required the same degree of commitment that Europe and the United States demonstrated in integrating central Europe and quelling violence in the Balkans or is it to be treated in a different conceptual framework. Furthermore, the hypothesis of a West that is distracted, divided, complacent, or uncertain as to why it should engage as an active partner for change was to be discussed.

Many Western leaders have issued rhetorical support for a Wider Europe that is more democratic, more secure, and more of a partner for the West. But the concept remains relatively undefined, its mechanisms undeveloped, and support for it uncertain. Many have yet to decide whether Western engagement should be foremost about mollifying non-members or advancing a truly transformative approach to the region that would align – and eventually integrate – these nations into the European and Euro-Atlantic community.

This research platform therefore aimed over a three-year period to address the major European interests in two subregions of this vast and diverse area: eastern European nations of Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova; and the south Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia)/Black Sea region, cross-analyzing them with US scholars identifying consonant or divergent US/EU interests in the area. Together with scholars from the region a comprehensive research project would be formed addressing some of the following issues.

Both books edited by Daniel Hamilton and Gerhard Mangott add new information and insights into two under-researched regions. Based on sound and solid theoretical and methodological pluralism there was, overall, no deep transatlantic divide in research designs, approach and interests. In this respect, the teams were quite homogeneous. At the same time, both teams were quite pluralist and distinct in their research results.

The main results of the project in general terms have been

• There is no coherent identity as a ‘region’ neither in Eastern Europe (Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova) nor in the Black Sea region. Either countries of these ‘regions’ are structurally close to countries of regions further west or the countries in the regions are very diverse.
  
  
• a Policies of the EU and the US on these ‘regions’ are in many respects uncoordinated – even when the mutual interests are quite similar. The project, however, has identified some substantial differences in the US and EU approaches to the countries concerned. Whereas the US is very much focused on military security and balancing efforts against Russia, the EU is much more concerned about political stability and democratisation, economic modernisation and social cohesion. This is not to say, that the EU does not have substantial and vital strategic interests in the region. It sometimes, however, realises this only at a very late stage and sometimes makes the impression that the situation on the ground ask too much of her.
  
  
• Russia’s efforts in re-integration the area or even establishing some sort of hegemonial position quite often has been clumsy and heavy-handed. Russia still lacks the economic attractiveness, let alone the soft power to have a strong appeal for the post-Soviet region’s countries. Russian bullying and destabilising efforts have in most cases only strengthened the western orientation of most countries’ elites – with the exception of Belarus and, on occasion, of Moldova.
  
  
• Co-operation of the countries in both regional settings has for a long time been quite weak. It never managed to deepen in a meaningful sense – neither in the political nor in the economic and social sphere.
  

In the area of Eastern Europe there are no substantial schemes of co-operation between Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova (even the GUAM organisation has not brought Moldova and Ukraine any closer). Tensions with Russia have occurred but controllable.

In the southern Caucasus, however, the regional scheme of co-operation is determined by Russia, given Russia’s role in all the simmering conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and, to a lesser extent, in Nagorno-Karabakh. Russia is part to the conflicts and its self-attributed role as a mediator is hardly credible. Georgia is at the very centre of the dispute with Russia. As a consequence Georgia has aligned with the US (and to a lesser extent the EU). This was fostered by the crucial role of Georgia as a transit country for Caspian gas and oil, which in turn is one major reason for Russia’s efforts to undermine the territorial integrity of Georgia. Azerbaijan as the major gas and oil producing country in the southern Caucasus works closely with Georgia as it needs the country for pipeline outlets of its hydrocarbon resources. Beyond energy, however, co-operation between the two countries is quite weak – despite often repeated claims to the contrary.

Armenia remains the country left out in the cold as it is de facto in a state of war with Azerbaijan, suffering from an economic blockade by Turkey and being left out in the energy export routes in the region. Armenia thus is forced to ally with Russia and – in terms of energy supply and exports – Iran. Armenia’s efforts to escape this geopolitical deadlock so far have been fruitless.

Overall, the project was worth the effort. It deepened transatlantic scientific co-operation, established new ties and strengthened those who had already existed before. The project was able to narrow the gap in social science research on the Black Sea and eastern European region, established and strengthened networks of scientific co-operation both on the transatlantic and the European dimensions and contributed to public awareness by release events, public conferences and media performance.

   

Daniel Hamilton and Gerhard Mangott
"The Wider Black Sea Regionin the 21st Century: Strategic, Economic and Energy Perspectives"

Stiefel, Dieter
"Im Labor der Niederlagen"

Ca. 240 pages

Ca. EUR 29,90

ISBN 3-205-77769-7
ISBN-13: 978-3-205-77769-4

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Stiefel, Dieter
"Im Labor der Niederlagen"
Konkurspolitik im internationalen Vergleich

Ein Kapitel ist den Insolvenzursachen gewidmet, die sich je nach Gläubiger oder Schuldner unterschiedlich darstellen. Und ein weiteres Kapitel geht auf das Konkursproblem in der Volkswirtschaftslehre ein: von der moralisierenden Darstellung im 19.Jahrhundert, wo vom morschen Ast gesprochen wird, über die liberale Ansicht, bei der die Insolvenz Ausdruck des Marktes mit der Neuverteilung der Ressourcen (Transaktionskosten), bis hin zur Problemstellung der letzten Jahrzehnte, welche Insolvenzen insbesondere im Zusammenhang mit Systemkrisen behandeln.

Die Länderdarstellung beginnt mit der Entwicklung des amerikanischen Insolvenzverfahrens, das durch seine Besonderheiten stets Interesse findet. Auch hier zeigte sich, wie in den anderen Ländern, die Auseinandersetzung zwischen den Interessen des Schuldners und der Gläubiger. Dies führte in mehreren Stadien zum Bankruptcy Code von 1978 mit dem Chapter 11, das ausführlich diskutiert wird. Das amerikanische Konkursrecht bietet den insolventen Unternehmen geradezu unternehmerische Möglichkeiten und auch der Privatkonkurs ist ein Mittel der Entschuldung, die ungewöhnlich erscheint.

Dem folgt die Entwicklung in den europäischen Ländern Großbritannien, Frankreich, Deutschland und Österreich, um dann auf die Bedeutung des Konkursverfahrens in den Transformationsländer - Tschechische Republik, Ungarn und Polen einzugehen. Hier wurde – in recht unterschiedlicher Weise - die Insolvenzpolitik als Mittel zum marktwirtschaftlichen Übergang eingesetzt. Schließlich werden internationale Insolvenzen angesprochen, insbesondere die Bemühungen der Europäischen Union zu einheitlicheren Regeln zu kommen, und auf die Auswirkung der Insolvenzpolitik auf den Finanzmarkt, insbesondere in Entwicklungsländer. Den Abschluss bildet der Versuch, auf die Unterschiede und Konvergenz der Insolvenzpolitik im internationalen Vergleich einzugehen, wobei vor allem die Tendenz zu einer schuldnerfreundlicheren Haltung zu erkennen ist.

Die Studie ist das Ergebnis einer jahrelangen Beschäftigung mit dem Thema. Die Fertigstellung erfolgte durch einen Forschungsaufenthalt an der University of California, Berkeley, der durch die finanzielle Unterstützung der Marshallplan Jubiläumsstiftung möglich wurde.